Oil
Interests Not Defense, Are Motive Behind Bush's Iraq Policy
By Cory
Forsyth
Opinions Staff Writer
Bush the younger, riding in the wake of his hugely popular
retaliatory “freedom-securing” attack on Afghanistan,
is looking for a new place to bomb now that there are none
left in Afghanistan. He seems to have found that target in
the familiar territory of Iraq. After all, except for Osama’s
brief soaring notoriety in the past year or so, who has been
the perennial least-favorite Middle Eastern dictator, the
name on the tip of everyone’s tongue? Saddam Hussein.
Given the popular success of the Afghanistan massacre, the
smart choice for Bush to raise his flagging public-approval
ratings would be to wage yet another unnecessary war against
a feared Islamic country. And it’s much easier to rally
public support against someone we’ve already been indoctrinated
to abhor than to start up the propaganda machine all over
again with new unpronounceable names and unknown faces. The
people of my generation spent their halcyon days hating Iraq
and Hussein, while our parents’ generation has had a
long-held (since the oil crises of the ’70s, at least)
distrust of all things Middle Eastern. To return, then, to
a confrontation with Hussein has a chilling nostalgic familiarity
for much of the American populace.
The primary difference between the Gulf War and the younger
Bush’s attempt to start another one is that, in the
early nineties, Hussein provoked us by invading Kuwait (which
in turn threatened our precious oil, which really provoked
us). But these days, he’s done nothing wrong. Well,
nothing new that’s wrong. He’s been teasing Bush
for years about the apocryphal Weapons of Mass Destruction,
a threat to which Bush has chosen to react only recently.
As early as August 6 of this year, however, Sadoun Hammadi,
the speaker of the Iraqi National Assembly, had extended an
open invitation to the United States to inspect putative weapons-development
sites, an offer that was reiterated in mid-September by Tariq
Aziz, Iraqi Health Minister. Why hasn’t the Bush administration
taken this opportunity to obviate a new war? Perhaps because
there’s more to it than just the Weapons of Mass Destruction.
Gore Vidal has said “war is the no-win all-lose option,”
and before this country rushes headlong into a Gulf War II,
we ought to examine Bush’s motives for such a war.
One reason, and the most important one, is money. Oil, and
the accompanying money involved, is at the heart of this conflict
just as it was during the Gulf War. It’s an ill-kept
secret that Bush and Cheney both are good friends of big business.
Halliburton, the company that Cheney led from1995 until the
August before he was elected, had done $23.8 million worth
of business with Iraq between 1998 and 1999, supplying it
with parts and equipment necessary for oil processing. That
enterprise lined Cheney’s pockets and kept the oil flowing
smoothly. That oil is now, ironically, at stake. Why did we
intervene when Saddam entered Kuwait? To keep our hands on
the oil. Why are we not interested in attacking Saudi Arabia,
another country with an oppressive regime, one that harbors
terrorists and that trained Al Qaeda? Because we already have
access to their oil.
Bush’s popularity has also been in a steady decline
since a post-September 11 high, when his job approval rating
touched exceeded ninety percent. In the year following the
attacks it has dropped roughly 25 percentage points, and it
continues to fall. Fighting the popular fight would stiffen
those limp numbers. At the same time, it would improve, or
at least divert attention from, a struggling economy. The
United States of Amnesia, as Vidal refers to our country,
has all but forgotten about the idyllic days when all we worried
about was the size of our tax cut, but many are feeling the
economic pinch right now and a war would—at the expense
of a few lives—promptly halt that economic downturn
and make Bush look like a hero again.
Luckily, there have been a few headlines lately that show
Bush toning down his machismo and responding to the waning
public support (now below 60 percent) for a strike on Iraq.
There’s an increasing possibility that U.N. inspectors
will be allowed into Iraq, and—maybe, hopefully, if
no new weapons are found—a potential disaster will be
averted.
At the same time, it seems unlikely that after all this macho
posturing, Bush—the most bloodthirsty elected official
in American history, presiding over more than 150 executions
in five years as governor of Texas—who is clearly not
an authority on the sanctity of human life, will be willing
to back down and possibly save some of our fellow Americans’
lives. It’s important that we realize what a war in
Iraq is about. It’s not about “terrorism”
and it’s not about safety; more meddling by the United
States would only draw the ire of millions of Muslims with
whom we are already on shaky diplomatic ground after our military
campaign against Afghanistan and possibly fuel even more anti-American
aggression in addition to isolating the United States from
the rest of the world. As the world becomes more interconnected
every day, cooperation, rather than isolation, becomes increasingly
important. We need to make it clear to Bush that the United
States’ role in foreign policy is not to police other
nations but to work together with them, and that war is not
an appropriate stage for political posturing.
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